Sometimes (many times this week, it seems), the best laid plans go awry. I’d planned a fantastic Civil War weekend this weekend that was to start yesterday with a visit to Harper’s Ferry to look at the cavalry breakout during the Antietam campaign. It was to be followed with a visit to Gettysburg today, the opportunity to finally meet JD in person, and my first visit to the battlefield of Fairfield. Tomorrow was to be my first visit to the Antietam battlefield on the way home, for which Brian Downey had been good enough to provide tips on the best way to see it. I’d taken everything into account, even managing to find a hotel near Gettysburg on this busiest of weekends there.

What I didn’t consider was my mount. On Thursday afternoon, my car died. Completely. Off it was towed to the dealership, who said they probably wouldn’t be able to get to it until Monday. So ended the trip. I could have rented a car and drove up, but really hadn’t budgeted for that this trip.

But there is an upside to this. The time that I would have spent on the road I can now spend on research. A friend loaned me a car and I will be able to get back to the Virginia Historical Society today for some manuscripts that I really wanted to take back to Colorado from this trip. And Gettysburg and Antietam will still be there when I come back at the end of the month.

I was speaking with one of the owners of Owens & Ramsey Historical Booksellers (an excellent bookstore, by the way) in Richmond yesterday when he mentioned the big collector’s show up in Gettysburg this weekend. A brief check of the web shows it to be an annual event and a pretty big deal. Has anyone out there been to it, and if so, is it worth spending valuable battlefield stomping time on?

My sincere apologies for the continued lack of posts, but I have a pretty good excuse this time. My son decided to arrive yesterday, a few weeks early. Connor Anthony weighed 5# 3 oz., and was 18.5″ long. So there may eventually be another generation of cavalrymen in the family if he so desires. Mom and baby are both fine, but needless to say there hasn’t been a lot of keyboard time. I’ll try to get a post out by the weekend, as there have been several posts brewing during the hiatus.

So that this doesn’t stray completely off topic, Connor’s birthday is the same day that Cumberland Gap was captured by Union forces under General George W. Morgan in 1862. It was also the day in 1864 when Grant conceded he was not going to be able to take Petersburg by direct assault. Had I made it home before midnight I would have been able to see which Civil War types he shares a birthday with.

Now, if I could only find the box with the camera download cable in it….

I just wanted to warn my loyal readers (okay, and the not so loyal ones as well) that there won’t be much here this week. The great trek westward starts in the morning, so the pregnant lady, the puppy and I will be on the road this week.

I’m working on a post about the state of the 6th Cavalry on the eve of the Gettysburg campaign, but it’s not quite done yet. Maybe I can get it finished by St Louis.

As much as I’d love to jump into the discussion going on about Gary Gallagher’s comments in this month’s CWT, there simply isn’t time at the moment. For those curious, check here and here.

After looking over my references and notes for a couple of days, I’ve decided I may be able to at least partially rectify the lack of information on Regular cavalry officers during the war. Despite the number of posts about the 2nd/5th Cavalry over the last month or so, I’ve really been trying to learn more about the 6th US Cavalry. I like the idea of being able to follow a regular unit from its inception throughout the course of the war. So we’ll start this project with the 6th.

I’m not sure of the best way to format it, but for now will rely on a simple alphabetic listing in a word document. I’d love to hear any recommendations from out there on possible better ways to manage this. I suppose as I’m able to flesh it out I’ll have to find a website for it as well, since I don’t think blogger does attached web pages.

This will not replace my habitual Fiddler’s Green posts, but does serve as fair warning that there may be a 6th Cav flavor to it at times.

In the front of the excellent July issue of America’s Civil War magazine that is currently in book stores is a letter from the vice president of the Brandy Station Foundation, Mr. Edwin F. Gentry. Given that this was definitely the largest cavalry battle of the war, mentioning it here seems wholly appropriate. While ACW definitely reaches more readers than this blog, I’ll summarize his letter below in case some of you may have missed it.

The Brandy Station Foundation is currently in the midst of a very urgent campaign to save significant portions of the Brandy Station battlefield. The majority of this land is on the ridge once known as Fleetwood Heights, scene of very severe fighting during the battle. It is literally in the heart of the battlefield.

I had intended to add some comments about the importance of battlefield preservation, but I think JD’s post from yesterday says it better than I could.

To quote from Mr. Gentry’s letter: “A vast portion of the crest and eastern slope and the plain adjoining the eastern slope of Fleetwood Heights has just come on the market for sale to the highest bidder. Also offered at this time to the Foundation is significant acreage (2-4 acres) on the crest of Fleetwood Heights together with a brick residence. The total asking price of all of the land, with improvements, approaches $5 million (about $40,000 per acre for the approximately 100 acres of unimproved land).”

The Brandy Station Foundation, though a group of incredibly dedicated volunteers, is not a large organization. This is a wonderful group of people who have done a tremendous job of preserving the battlefield and lore of Brandy Station. Obviously, they are not going to be able to raise this kind of money locally. They’re working strategies at the state and national levels to assist with funding, but every little bit helps. Please help me spread the word.

Contact information for the Foundation:
Brandy Station Foundation, PO Box 165, Brandy Station, VA 22714
540-727-7718
www.brandystationfoundation.org

Chris Swift’s comment to my last post raised another question in my mind — were the regiments of colored troops raised during the war considered regular units or volunteers?

I believe they were considered volunteers, as they weren’t constituted as part of the regular army and weren’t intended to exist past the end of the war. They were designated USCT regiments because they weren’t raised in specific states. In the case of the cavalry, after the war many of the soldiers of the USCT cavalry units joined the 9th and 10th Cavalry Regiments when they formed.

I really hadn’t considered this until Chris pointed out that the 1st Vermont Cavalry, while raised in Vermont, was actually a federal and not a state unit. Thanks for the insight, Chris.

Is this significant? It certainly could be, since if they’re regulars the units in the scope of this blog just doubled.

Charles H. Tompkins was born on September 12, 1830, at Fort Monroe, Virginia. He entered the United States Military Academy in July 1847, but resigned on June 23, 1849 for unknown reasons. He then pursued business interests for the next seven years.

I was delighted this morning to have a visit from Frank Carpenter, one of the tour guides at Shirley Plantation, who was assisting me in solving a small mystery there from my reading (found here). He’d lost my business card and actually went to the trouble of hunting down my office.

He informed me that the wounded Confederate officer encountered at Shirley by Lieutenants Sanford and Sumner was one of Hill Carter’s sons, Bernard Hill (“Hilly”) Carter, Jr. According to family history, he’d been wounded during the battle of Gaines’ Mill. My curiosity piqued, I sat down and did a little research on Mr. Carter.

Bernard Hill Carter, Jr. initially studied at Eastern View in Fauquier County under Robert L. Randolph, then attended the Episcopal High School of Virginia. He graduated from the College of William and Mary in 1855. He attended the Theological Seminary of Virginia, but did not complete his studies there.

Hilly enlisted in the Charles City Troop or Charles City Light Dragoons as they were also known, as a private on May 18, 1861 at Charles City Court House. This troop later became Company D, 3rd Virginia Cavalry. His occupation, unsurprisingly enough, is listed as farmer, and he was 25 at the time of his enlistment. In July he was promoted to Corporal, and in January 1862 to Second Lieutenant.

After his encounter with Sanford, Carter was severely wounded and captured in a skirmish at Boonsboro, Maryland on September 15, 1862. His regiment, together with the 4th and 9th Virginia Cavalry, served as the rearguard during the Army of Northern Virginia’s retreat from South Mountain. They were closely pressed 8th Illinois Cavalry, and there was fighting in the streets of the village. He was paroled on October 3rd and exchanged November 2nd of the same year.

Carter was very active during the battle of Kelly’s Ford on March 17, 1863, where his horse was killed during the battle. According to Fitz Lee’s report in the OR, “First Lieut. [Bernard] Hill Carter, jr., was very conspicuous in his behavior.” (OR, Ser I, Vol 25, pt 1, pg 61). JEB Stuart’s official report on the battle adds that carter’s “individual prowess attracted my personal attention and remarks.” (Ibid, pg 59).

Unfortunately, Carter didn’t survive the war. He was killed only a month and half later, during the battle of Chancellorsville. Lieut. Col. William R. Carter of the 3rd Virginia recorded in his diary for May 2nd, “Lt. B. Hill Carter, company D, was wounded yesterday near Loar church on the turnpike & died today.” (Carter, Sabres, Saddles and Spurs, pg 60). The regiment was detailed on May 1st to screen the front and both flanks of Anderson’s division.

After Carter’s death, Robert E. Lee wrote a letter offering sympathy to his father. I hope to have a copy of this sometime next week. And I’ll definitely have to try to find Loar church on my next visit to Chancellorsville.

It’s nice to actually get to the bottom of one of these little mysteries. Many thanks again to Frank Carpenter for all of his help!

On August 4, 1861, less than a week before the battle of Wilson’s Creek, there was a skirmish at Dug Springs, Missouri between Union forces under the command of Brigadier General Nathaniel Lyon and Confederate Missouri State Guard forces under Brigadier General James Rains. At some point during the skirmish, a charge by Captain David S. Stanley’s troop of the 1st Cavalry routed an advancing enemy force of infantry. Exactly what the circumstances of the charge were varying according to the view of the witness.

According to Lyon’s official report, “The rebels’ advance perceived my halt, and being mostly mounted, became bold, and threatened me at various points, though in small force — though about 1,000 infantry advanced pretty well forward at one time under an advance of cavalry force. My advance guards of infantry opened fire upon them, and without orders from me, by a spontaneous emotion, the advance guard of my cavalry charged and drove back the rebels, but lost 4 killed and 5 wounded. Cavalry again advanced, but were driven back by my artillery, under Captain Totten.” (OR, Ser I, Vol 3, pg 47)

Captain Frederick Steele, 2nd US Infantry, commander of Lyon’s advance guard, had this to say in his report. “We then advanced upon the enemy, driving him rapidly back. Captain Stanley, with his troop, took position on a commanding spur on our left and front, to prevent our flank from being turned. The enemy was now in complete rout, a part of Captain Stanley’s troop having gallantly charged and cut through his line.” (Ibid, pg 49)

We also have two other eyewitness accounts of the charge. Second Lieutenant George B. Sanford of the 1st Dragoons was attached to the column en route to his first unit. This skirmish was his first in uniform, and he describes the charge like this:

“The fighting was quite sharp for some time, but the enemy fell back as we advanced, and at one time a very gallant charge was made by a party of “C” troop 1st Cavalry under Lieut. Kelly. He mistook the trumpet call to halt for the signal to charge and dashed into the enemy’s lines completely routing them at that point, though nearly all his own men were killed or wounded. The rest of “C” troop under Capt. Stanley afterwards Maj. Gen. Stanley and my own troop both under command of Capt. Elliott then moved to the front in support, and the enemy fell back.” (Sanford, Fighting Rebels and Redskins, pg 129)

An unknown correspondent from the Herald is quoted in the Harper’s Weekly article reporting the skirmish as follows:

“Captain Steele was still on the left, and a body of nearly eight hundred infantry, with a few mounted men, came forward on the enemy’s right with the evident intention of engaging and surrounding the Captain’s two companies. Company C, of First cavalry, was in the rear (lately front), near Captain Steele and Lieutenant M.J. Kelly, with twenty men from this company, made a Balaklava charge right in the face of the bullets and bayonets of the whole rebel infantry. Four of the twenty were killed and six were wounded, but they succeeded in breaking the infantry and putting them to flight. Four horses were wounded so badly that it was necessary to kill them — one receiving nine, and another eleven rifle balls. One of the men – Sergeant Sullivan – received three terrible, though not fatal wounds. As he was falling from his horse he waved his saber, and shouted “Hurrah for the old Stars and Stripes!” When brought to camp he seemed to forget his wounds in his joy at having struck a blow for the Union. One of the enemy’s wounded inquired of Lieutenant Kelly, with great earnestness,
‘Are your cavalry men or devils!’
The lieutenant replied that it was possible they might be a composition of both.
‘Well,’ said the man, ‘we can’t stand such a charge as that. You can whip us all out if you’ve got a decent army of such soldiers.’ “

Which of these are correct and which aren’t? It’s impossible to know for sure, but at least parts of all of them. A footnote in the OR describes Stanley’s losses as 4 killed and 6 wounded, of 42 engaged, or a loss of 25%. According to Sanford and the reporter, only 20 made the charge, so the actual loss would be 50%. One of the men under Lieutenant Kelly, a Corporal Elbridge Roys, received a commission in the regiment the following year for his conduct during the charge. He was later killed in action near Selma, Alabama in 1865.

I believe Sanford’s account that the cause of the charge was a misunderstood bugle call. I can’t think of another reason why only part of the company would charge. It’s doubtful that it was reported that way by Captain Stanley in his official report, however, which is likely where the “spontaneous emotion” mentioned in Lyon’s report comes from.

As to the results of the charge, I again tend to favor Sanford’s account. It was late in the day at the time of the charge. While the charge probably stopped the infantry’s advance temporarily, I doubt any 20 men and horses would be enough to rout 800. Receiving such a charge and then seeing more cavalry and infantry advancing through the dusk probably led to their hasty retreat.

The reporter’s account is sufficiently vivid, and my Harper’s Weekly’s circulation large enough, that it’s small wonder that there was a perception that a cavalry charge could rout infantry. Such charges had succeeded in combat against Indians on several occasions in the experience of cavalrymen returning from the frontier. Only time and blood would dispel this perception.